The history of Tibetan negotiations with China thus far has been a saga of failures, was marked by lack of good faith from the other side, were held between inherently unequal sides, and they all bear testimony to the fact that there is no alternative to abiding by the struggle for independence so long as the entrenched current political dispensation in Beijing continues, argues Phuntsog Wangyal.*
Tibetans have lived under Chinese occupation for 75 long years. After the forced annexation of Tibet, China’s strategy of winning Tibetans over through material prosperity has failed. A subsequent approach has been to win over the Dalai Lama to their side of the argument. Since 1979, several such attempts have been made, including inviting the Dalai Lama to send delegations to Tibet and initiating talks in Beijing. Now, 45 years later, it is clear that the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) warm words have never been backed by action.
Recently, the Tibetan government in Dharamsala stated that the Chinese government is “reaching out to us,” though Beijing has not publicly confirmed this. Is this a genuine change in China’s strategy, or is it a subtle stratagem to lure Tibetans into a dangerous position? If, as I suspect, it is the latter, we must be extremely cautious not to fall into another carefully laid trap. Any negotiations between Dharamsala and Beijing are inherently unequal; Tibet’s leverage is minuscule compared to that of the world’s second-largest economy. Under such circumstances, no negotiation should take place in private or without the presence of a trusted international mediator to ensure fairness.
His Holiness the Dalai Lama has stated that “Tibet, historically, has never been part of China.” However, he has not explicitly said that Tibet will never be part of China. On the contrary, he has indicated that Tibet could accept “genuine autonomy within China” under the Chinese Constitution—an idea that essentially concedes Tibet’s incorporation into China if conditions were more favourable. This is as precarious as walking on a precipice. It is important to recognize that the Chinese Constitution is not the constitution of a democratic state, as seen in Western countries. It is, in reality, the constitution of the CCP. China does not care about international law—only about what strengthens its power.
The ultimate goal of the Tibetan people has always been an independent Tibet. We have all heard the slogan “Never give up!” many times. I take this as a call to never abandon hope—the hope for our fundamental right to exist as a people and a nation. Any weakness on the part of the Tibetan government—such as accepting Tibet’s status within China under the Communist constitution, the failure of those close to our government (both Tibetans and non-Tibetans) to push for clear objectives, or the CCP’s long-term strategy of assimilating the next generation of Tibetans into Chinese culture—fills me with deep concern.
While some recent articles on Tibet highlight the failures of the Chinese government—music to Tibetan ears—they overlook crucial points. Tibetans and their supporters must be realistic. The next generation of young Tibetans has already been largely cut off from their native culture, traditions, families, language, and religion. Most are unable to read Tibetan and instead use Chinese to learn and communicate. Tibetan culture, for many, has become a distant wish, a dream to be cherished but not practiced—much like the experience of the Māori in New Zealand or Native Americans in the United States, whose cultures have become museum pieces within the dominant cultures that assimilated them.
Past negotiations with China have yielded nothing meaningful for Tibetans. Some argue that the failure lies in our negotiators’ lack of the right skills. But the real issue is not only how negotiations are conducted, but what is being negotiated. Negotiators must have a clear understanding of their objectives and the leverage they hold. Without a clear goal, the battle is lost before it even begins, and the enemy grows bolder as they push toward their ultimate aim—to turn Tibetans into Chinese and Tibet into Xizang. Given the imbalance of power, a neutral mediator is essential to ensure fair negotiations.
Secondly, Tibetans must recognize the CCP’s endless deception and bad faith. Seventy years of concessions have achieved nothing for Tibetans. Instead, they have emboldened China to implement its Final Resolution—a plan that is already well underway. The CCP has systematically sown confusion within the Tibetan community, frustrated Tibetan leadership, and forced further concessions from Tibetans.
China has made many mistakes in its brutal treatment of Tibetans, but it will not relent. Its latest and more subtle strategy is to provide economic prosperity while ensuring the complete assimilation of young Tibetans into Chinese identity. Although the CCP may not be as confident as it projects, it still wields enough power to control its people domestically and confront perceived threats abroad. It also has powerful AI systems—such as the recently launched DeepSeek—to spread its version of history. For the CCP, security is paramount—safeguarding its so-called Motherland—and it trusts no one, not even the Dalai Lama.
Tibetans, for their part, cling to the hope of internal change within China while hesitating to clearly define what they truly want—independence. Instead, they wait for miraculous developments. But realistically, unless the CCP collapses, there is little chance of a significant shift in China’s Tibet policy.
Tibetans are strong believers in the impermanence of all things. The CCP will not last forever. Tibetans and their supporters must oppose China’s latest strategy and recognize Chinese criticism of the Dalai Lama for what it is—a deliberate provocation. The Resolve Tibet Act is a step in the right direction. It challenges China’s historical claims over Tibet, exposing them as self-serving fabrications. This is the strategy Tibetans and their supporters must adopt. It strikes at the very foundation of China’s control over Tibet. Tibetans must continue the struggle and, above all, clearly define what they are fighting for. Only then will there be a vision and a direction for the future.
Perhaps it is fitting to recall the words of Thubten Jigme Norbu, the Dalai Lama’s eldest brother, who spoke outside the Chinese Embassy in 1995 after completing a 25-day march from Washington to New York:
“It is important that we speak up here so that the people inside the Chinese Embassy know that no matter what methods they use to suppress the desires of the Tibetan people, the Tibetan struggle for independence will always continue. It will not end until the legitimate hopes and desires of the Tibetan people—their inalienable right to independence, not some sort of ‘autonomy’ within China—are realized. We cannot and will not fly half the Tibetan flag. Our entire flag must be flown all over the world, including at the United Nations. We will not occupy one half of a seat at the United Nations. We have the right to a full seat.”
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* Phuntsog Wangyal is a former representative of His Holiness the Dalai Lama and a former member of the Second Tibetan Delegation to Tibet